The June 1 drone attack deep inside Russia — dubbed “Operation Spider’s Web — should serve as a thunderclap warning for the United States. Dozens of small first-person view (FPV) drones, many resembling models sold in U.S. stores and flown at parks and beach weddings, executed a devastating strike on Russian infrastructure. This wasn’t just a tactical victory — it was strategic proof of concept for a low-cost, high-impact template for 21st-century warfare. This new kind of attack uses the very devices we allow to fly freely over our own cities.
And here’s the real challenge: under current U.S. law, even if a law enforcement officer spots a suspicious drone, potentially criminal or terrorist-related, hovering near a chemical plant, stadium, airport, or school, they are legally prohibited from taking it down. Let that sink in. An officer can stop a speeding vehicle, but they cannot jam, intercept, or disable a drone — even if it poses an imminent threat — without violating federal law.
Outdated laws, modern threats
The majority of the drones flying over the United States, including those used by U.S. public safety agencies, are manufactured by DJI, a Chinese company linked to Beijing’s industrial strategy and surveillance infrastructure. In 2022, the U.S. Department of Defense officially designated DJI as a “Chinese military company.” Yet today, DJI still commands more than 70% of the U.S. market. Nearly 80% of the drones used by American and Canadian police flying over North American cities are DJI drones. In effect, we’ve outsourced the supply chain of our aerial surveillance to a strategic rival. And we’ve built no legal framework to stop those same eyes from becoming weapons.
The restrictions against intercepting drones stem from Title 18 of the U.S. Code, which criminalizes interference with aircraft, including drones, unless conducted by designated federal agencies under narrow exceptions. Even then, most of those agencies are under-resourced. State and local law enforcement officers are effectively sidelined. That legal paralysis could become deadly.
Imagine a swarm of armed drones descending on a July 4 celebration, a college football game, or a holiday parade. Officers on the ground would be forced to wait, unable to respond until the damage is done. The result: a delay not just in action, but in responsibility.
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Arizona offers one model, but national action is overdue
Years of congressional hearings and proposed reforms have yielded little progress. Meanwhile, both our allies and adversaries are evolving. We should look to states like Arizona, where Attorney General Kris Mayes is working with sheriffs and police associations on this issue. This collaboration led to the passage of HB 2733, which shields public entities and employees from liability for damages when they intercept, capture, disable, shoot down, destroy, or otherwise render inoperative a drone within 15 miles of the southern border.
Ukraine’s battlefield ingenuity has turned consumer drones into deadly assets. Modified with cameras, explosives and precision guidance, these $300 FPV drones now rival multimillion-dollar missiles in strategic impact. Kyiv claims to be producing as many as four million drones annually. Russia is racing to keep pace. Their war has become a masterclass in improvisational airpower. We should be studying it, not ignoring it. Because what’s happening in Eastern Europe isn’t confined to the battlefield. It’s a preview of vulnerabilities right here at home.
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Innovation exists, but law enforcement can’t use it
Drones have become ubiquitous in American life and a remarkable tool used by police to save lives — protecting officers and the public, delivering packages, surveying crops, filming real estate and even replacing fireworks. Their upside is clear. But as with every transformative technology, so is their dark side.
A 2021 U.S. military analysis warned that even a non-lethal drone attack — releasing a chemical irritant or triggering panic in a crowd — could paralyze a city. Unexplained drone sightings in New Jersey and Colorado have already caused confusion, fear and national headlines.
The technology to detect and neutralize drones exists. Jammers, net guns, drone interceptors, AI-powered tracking radars — the private sector is innovating fast. Entire conferences are now dedicated to anti-drone warfare. But due to outdated laws, nearly all of these tools remain off-limits to those tasked with defending our streets and skies.
Remote ID, the FAA’s long-awaited drone tracking rule, went into effect in 2024. It’s a step — but a reactive one. It tells us what happened, not how to stop it.
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A final warning before it’s too late
We are living in what counterterrorism experts call a 9/10 moment: the warnings are clear, the tools exist and the threat is already here. But our systems, our laws and our political will are lagging dangerously behind.
On Sept. 10, 2001, intelligence analysts saw the pieces, but couldn’t act in time. Now, in 2025, we are watching drone warfare evolve in real time. The pieces are again on the board. The question is whether we will act before those pieces are used against us. There will be no excuse for saying we didn’t see it coming.
We need immediate federal legislation that empowers trained, vetted local and state law enforcement to counter aerial threats. And we need procurement policies that stop relying on potentially compromised foreign-made drones and better train procurement officials to understand these acquisitions are about saving lives, not saving pennies.
Lawmakers must authorize police to counter UAS and allocate funding to replace drones made by adversarial nations. And we need a national conversation that recognizes drones not only as tools of progress, but also as potential weapons of terror.
The next attack won’t come out of the blue. It will come from above — quiet, fast and possibly already in the airspace over your home. We’ve ignored this blind spot long enough.
