“Dope sick” is a term frequently used in the realm of narcotics enforcement. It can mean different things to different people, and the overall utility of the phrase is, frankly, astounding. On the pragmatic end, it refers to acute opioid withdrawal and specifically describes the physiological and psychological condition that occurs when an opioid-dependent individual abruptly stops using opioids. [1]
When we zoom out, the phrase takes on a broader meaning in the user world and often carries additional behavioral implications. Over the course of hundreds upon hundreds of narcotics contacts throughout my career, I have heard “dope sick” used to describe:
- Any user in dire need of a substance, not necessarily opioids
- A state in which the need to use outweighs judgment, leading individuals to take unsafe or inappropriate risks to obtain product
- Situations in which desperation drives conduct — for example, a male user willing to burglarize a store to obtain money for drugs, or a female user willing to be physically or sexually exploited to gain access to product — both commonly described as being “dope sick.” [2]
Within the narcotics enforcement world, the term incorporates all of the above but expands into more complex operational territory. Law enforcement must consider withdrawal-driven behavior when evaluating Miranda comprehension, debrief reliability and informant recruitment or management. As Bronson et al. note, officers trained in narcotics investigations frequently recognize withdrawal as a behavioral accelerator, not merely a medical condition. [3]
Up to this point, we have discussed what being dope sick means as it relates to users, associated dealer behaviors and law enforcement responses. But what does it mean when we are talking about police officers themselves?
Cops can get dope sick too — and I am currently one of those officers in recovery.
Based on both my field experience and the research, I would characterize police “dope sickness” as a hyper-fixation on cases, in which investigations and operational metrics are prioritized over family, hobbies and any semblance of life outside the narcotics vacuum. At one point, my definition of success was directly tied to how much dope I could find, how many informants I could cultivate and how many warrants I could successfully get signed. My life became defined by operational success in the field, and over time, that success evolved into a singular identity.
Research supports this trajectory. Narcotics officers operate in an investigative environment marked by high uncertainty, delayed outcomes, chronic exposure to violence and moral ambiguity — conditions that significantly increase the likelihood of cognitive fixation on cases. [4] Gradually, and often unnoticed, officers descend into what McCarty et al. describe as maladaptive rumination, in which cases, threats, informant dynamics and unresolved investigative threads are mentally replayed well beyond duty hours. [5]
While I was not experiencing physical or psychological withdrawal from narcotics, I was addicted in another way. Police officers, in general, have a well-documented tendency to fall victim to occupational identity dominance, in which individuals define themselves almost entirely by what they do and policing becomes far more than a career. [6] In narcotics — particularly undercover work — this tendency is amplified.
I was addicted to the role, and the role defined who I was.
Looking back with clarity, I can say without hesitation that this is a dangerous place to be. The warning signs were present, but personality traits such as stubbornness and impulsivity can significantly hinder recovery efforts. I happened to be blessed with both, and my road out was made more difficult by my own hand.
Anecdotally, I can point to a period in which I burned countless bridges and torched relationships — often quickly and without much thought. When work identity becomes dominant, individuals tend to experience reduced role balance, increased rigidity in self-concept and higher levels of interpersonal conflict and relationship erosion.⁷ While multiple factors can coexist, occupational identity theory captures a meaningful part of what I was experiencing at the time. The most uncomfortable truth is that I did not even realize it was happening while I was in it.
For that reason, I urge officers to be cognizant of the signs and symptoms of being “police dope sick” and suffering from occupational identity dominance. Below are several indicators, all of which I experienced at one point or another:
- Role overidentification: Defining oneself primarily or exclusively as “the police,” with diminished non-work identity and interests
- Inability to psychologically disengage from work: Persistent rumination about cases, informants or threats during off-duty hours, including sleep disturbance
- Emotional numbing and cynicism: Reduced empathy, detachment from civilians and an intensified “us versus them” worldview
- Irritability and interpersonal strain: Conflict in family and social relationships driven by emotional withdrawal or hypervigilance outside of work
- Risk-taking or compulsive work behaviors: Overworking, refusal to take leave or seeking high-intensity assignments to reinforce identity
- Difficulty transitioning roles: Psychological distress following reassignment, injury or retirement due to the loss of an identity anchor
It is important to remember that it is okay to not be okay, but we must commit to recognizing that reality and actively finding paths forward. For me, recovery required a comprehensive reevaluation of what truly mattered, paired with honest self-reflection. While the process is ongoing and obstacles do occur, focus remains critical.
There is an identity outside of policing. I encourage active officers — particularly those working narcotics — to take that premise seriously.
References
- National Institute on Drug Abuse. Opioid withdrawal. National Institutes of Health; 2023.
- Ciccarone D. The triple wave epidemic: Supply and demand drivers of the U.S. opioid overdose crisis. International Journal of Drug Policy. 2019;71:183–188.
- Bronson J, Stroop J, Zimmer S, Berzofsky M. Drug use, dependence and abuse among state prisoners and jail inmates, 2007–2009. Bureau of Justice Statistics; 2017.
- Violanti JM, Owens SL, McCanlies E, Fekedulegn D, Andrew ME, Law J. Law enforcement suicide: A national analysis. International Journal of Emergency Mental Health and Human Resilience. 2017;19(4):1–10.
- McCarty WP, Skogan WG, Richards TN. The impact of police stress on burnout and turnover intention: The moderating role of social support. Policing: An International Journal. 2019;42(3):497–511.
- Papazoglou K, Andersen JP. A guide to utilizing police training as a tool to promote resilience and improve health outcomes among police officers. Traumatology. 2014;20(2):103–111.
- Wolfe SE, Piquero AR. Organizational justice and police misconduct. Criminal Justice and Behavior. 2018;45(4):1–20.
